Pakistan’s Evolving Nuclear Weapon Posture: Impact on Deterrence Stability

This essay provides an overview of the ongoing quantitative and qualitative changes in Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal and their impact on deterrence stability vis-à-vis India. Prominent among these trends is a major expansion in fissile material production that enables the manufacture of lighter and more compact warheads optimized for battlefield missions; the development of cruise missiles and shorter-range ballistic missiles possessing dual-use capabilities; and a greater emphasis in doctrinal pronouncements on the need for strike options geared to all levels of conflict. Although these trends pose problematic ramifications for the risks of unauthorized and inadvertent escalation, deterrence stability in South Asia is not as precarious as many observers fear. The challenges of fashioning a robust nuclear peace between India and Pakistan cannot be lightly dismissed, however, and policy makers would do well to undertake some reinforcing measures.

Read the full essay in a special issue on “Nuclear Stability in South Asia” published this week in The Nonproliferation Review.

I invite you to connect with me via Facebook and Twitter.


Nuclear South Asia is more Stable than You Think

Now posted on Foreign Policy magazine’s South Asia channel is my article arguing that the stability of nuclear deterrence in the region is not as bleak as is widely assumed.

I’ve been making this argument for quite a while.  True, the challenges of fashioning stable deterrence in South Asia cannot be taken lightly in view of the singular intensity of the India-Pakistan strategic rivalry.  The relationship – which combines contiguous but bitterly contested territory, sharp historical animosities, internal frailties vulnerable to outside exploitation, and conflicting national identities – makes for a monstrous security dilemma without parallel in the history of nuclear deterrence.  So there are plenty of reasons for concern.

Yet it is also true that much of the pessimistic analysis about the workings of nuclear deterrence in the region has great trouble in explaining the relative peace in South Asia ever since India and Pakistan became overt nuclear weapon powers 16 years ago this month.  This is a rather large lacuna given the crisis-prone character of the India-Pakistan relationship.

In the years leading up to the 1998 nuclear tests, analysts routinely argued that the lack of reliable early-warning capabilities and the short time-to-target distances involved would inevitably impel both countries to adopt counterforce strategies and preemptive or time-sensitive postures that are liable to precipitous overreaction in the heat of a serious confrontation.  But these predictions have not yet come to pass for either state even after two serious military confrontations:the 1999 Kargil conflict and the 2001-02 “Twin Peaks” crisis, in which general hostilities seemed nigh and the possibility of nuclear use appeared ominous.  The pessimistic case for nuclear dangers in South Asia would be a whole lot stronger if those making it were able to furnish a better explanation for why similar warnings in the past have fallen short.

What is more, the prevailing pessimism struggles to account for the intensive back-channel peace process both countries engaged in 2004-07.  These diplomatic negotiations ultimately failed to bear fruit, though they reportedly were on the verge of defusing the perennially-inflamed dispute over Kashmir (see the analysis here and here).  At his final press conference earlier this year, now former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh confirmed that “it appeared that an important breakthrough was in sight” until late 2007 when domestic political ructions erupted in Pakistan that would eventually lead to Pervez Musharraf’s ouster.  These talks serve as a significant counterpoint to widespread arguments that the nuclearization process in South Asia has only served to foment greater tension and conflict.

Further, the pessimistic perspective tends toward worst-case analysis and exaggerations of Indian and Pakistani capabilities.  Senior U.S. officials during the Clinton administration took to routinely predicting a nuclear conflagration in South Asia.  In Congressional testimony in early 1993, CIA director James Woolsey argued that “The arms race between India and Pakistan poses perhaps the most probable prospect for future use of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons.”  He added that both countries were able to deliver nuclear bombs via combat aircraft.  Yet according to new research by Gaurav Kampani, New Delhi lacked the technical capacity to air-drop nuclear weapons until the end of 1995.

The point here is not that CIA estimates were off by 2-3 years, but that the opacity which has long shrouded the Indian and Pakistani nuclear weapons programs has a way of leading analysts to imagine the worst as well as to downplay how resource constraints, institutional factors and ideational considerations combine to put sharp limits on nuclear proliferation.  For more on this point, see Kampani’s fascinating article and Jacques Hymans’ recent piece in Foreign Affairs.

I invite you to connect with me via Facebook and Twitter.

Kargil Disclosures and the Nuclear Proliferation Debate

My last post focused on the domestic implications in Pakistan of the latest revelations about the 1999 Kargil mini-war.  Since the crisis is a key point of contention – a sort of Rorschach test, really – in the debate over whether the proliferation of nuclear weapons in South Asia has stabilized or aggravated the India-Pakistan rivalry, it’s also worth taking another look at two important points regarding Kargil’s nuclear dimensions:

  • Did Pakistan’s nuclear tests in May 1998 embolden the Kargil planners, especially Pervez Musharraf, the newly-appointed chief of army staff, to undertaken the ill-advised operation just a few months later?
  • Did the perceived success of Pakistan’s small nuclear arsenal in deterring fulsome Indian retaliation during the crisis give Musharraf the security confidence to embark upon an intensive back-channel peace process in 2004-07 that reportedly was on the verge of defusing the perennially-inflamed dispute over Kashmir? Continue reading

Pakistan’s Nukes: How Much is Enough?

The time has come to question why the country needs tactical nuclear forces

Marking the anniversary of Pakistan’s 1998 nuclear tests, Nawaz Sharif on Monday boasted of the key role he played as prime minister in bringing about this achievement.  Sharif, who now heads the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, the main opposition party, asserted that his actions have provided an infrangible guarantee of the country’s security vis-à-vis Indian military might, thereby resolving the fundamental vulnerability that had plagued Pakistan since its tumultuous founding.  “India could have attacked Pakistan many times,” he stated, “but due to Pakistan being an atomic power, India could not gather the courage to do so.”

The impact of South Asia’s nuclearization on regional security is a subject of vigorous scholarly debate.  But Sharif’s words raise a basic policy issue: If he truly believes that the country’s defenses are now impregnable, why doesn’t he speak out against the on-going expansion of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal that is rapidly leading Islamabad away from the minimum deterrence posture it declared following the 1998 tests?  After all, if he really means what he said, this expansion is not only militarily unnecessary but also diverts precious economic resources away from more pressing national priorities. Continue reading